Over one million migrants are currently receiving government benefits.

Approximately 1.15 million foreign-born individuals in the UK are claiming some form of in-work benefits, giving British taxpayers yet another reason to sigh heavily over their morning tea. This data comes courtesy of the 2019 edition of the “Nationality at Point of National Insurance Number Registration” report by the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP), which seems to confirm that some trends, much like bad weather, are here to stay.

Here’s the breakdown of benefits claimed by migrants, or as we might call it, the “Who’s Getting What” list:

• Universal Credit (including out-of-work): 224,756 — because sometimes work just doesn’t work out.
• Universal Credit (including in-work): 192,125 — proving that even a job doesn’t always pay the bills.
• Housing Benefit (including combinations): 467,036 — because everyone needs a roof, even if it leaks.
• Other benefits (including legacy benefits like Jobseeker’s Allowance): 158,124 — a nostalgic nod to the good old days of paperwork and queues.

The figures, thoughtfully categorized by country of birth, offer further insights into the global competition for Britain’s benefits pie.

Cross-referencing ONS figures from 2021 lets us uncover the benefit claim rate for each country of origin in the UK. And guess what? Turns out 40 origin groups in the UK have a higher benefit claim rate than the British population (107 claims per 1,000). Who knew claiming benefits could be such a competitive sport? The top 10 contenders are as follows:

When you factor in the working-age population of each country, the results are as surprising as finding a cat that actually likes water.

In 2019, data revealed that 27 countries of origin had a higher working-age benefit claim rate than the British population. Essentially, Britain was saying, “We’re not the only ones who enjoy a good queue — others are lining up for benefits too!” Fast forward to 2025, and things have changed so much that even Nostradamus would’ve thrown in the towel trying to predict it.

Between 2019 and 2024, about 1.3 million people were granted Indefinite Leave to Remain (ILR) or settled status under the EU Settlement Scheme (EUSS). Think of it as a golden ticket to British citizenship, minus the chocolate factory. This policy, which harks back to the days when the UK had net negative migration (yes, that was a thing), has now become a significant talking point.

Crunching Home Office numbers on the nationalities of those granted ILR and EUSS, and cross-referencing them with earlier benefit claim stats, we can estimate that the welfare burden has already increased — or is gearing up to — by an extra 196,866 individuals from overseas. That’s nearly 200,000 people potentially adding to the queue, and we Brits do love a good queue. Among them, we have an estimated 27,000 from Romania, 11,000 from Italy (possibly bringing pizza), 10,000 each from Portugal and Poland, 9,000 from Bulgaria, and 4,000 from Slovakia. It’s practically a Eurovision of welfare claims!

The EUSS and the policymakers behind it clearly need a closer look. But don’t worry, we’ll save the deep dive for another time — right after we finish our tea. Stay tuned!

What does this cost?
The DWP has been about as good at tracking precise data on working-age benefits for migrants as a cat is at playing the piano — entertaining but not very effective. Thankfully, the Centre for Policy Studies stepped in with a Freedom of Information request and discovered that in 2023, households with at least one foreign national (not counting those who’ve swapped passports for tea and crumpets citizenship) received £7.6 billion in Universal Credit.

This is only part of the equation. These individuals are also tapping into public services like they’ve found an all-you-can-eat buffet, causing the Treasury to loosen its belt to accommodate their presence in Britain. In September, the OBR released an analysis for the first time, revealing that low-wage migrants represent a fiscal burden on the Treasury at every stage of life — even before welfare payments join the party. The CMC, armed with a Freedom of Information request, has now unveiled the OBR’s underlying calculations (which, let’s be honest, are about as optimistic as a weather forecast in London but still provide a decent starting point).

These figures outline the fiscal profile of a migrant recently granted Indefinite Leave to Remain (ILR). The assumed tax contribution (encompassing both income and indirect taxes) estimates that a low-wage migrant newly settled in the UK earns approximately £25,000 annually.

The baseline cost associated with a low-wage migrant is estimated at £2,000. However, a significant omission in this estimate is the cost of providing education to the children of low-wage migrants. The Centre for Migration and Citizenship (CMC) has previously calculated that the costs associated with dependants, including children arriving under the so-called ‘Boriswave,’ will reach £35 billion by the end of the decade.

If we accept these figures at face value — though they are likely a considerable understatement — migrants receiving in-work benefits (such as Universal Credit or housing support) impose an additional average public spending cost of £2,000 per individual. Including the cost of educating their children, this figure would likely rise to around £3,000. Multiplying £2,000 by the 659,161 individuals on in-work benefits (according to 2019 data) results in a total cost of £1.31 billion.

In addition, there are 382,880 migrants claiming out-of-work benefits such as Universal Credit (UC) or Jobseeker’s Allowance (JSA). The fiscal position of these individuals, excluding welfare, is not accounted for in Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) figures. Based on the OBR’s assumption of £7,700 in public spending per individual and generously attributing £1,700 in indirect tax contributions, the net cost per migrant on out-of-work benefits would be £6,000. This results in an additional cost to the Treasury of £2.29 billion. Combining these figures, the total non-welfare expenditure for migrants on benefits amounts to £3.6 billion.

It is important to note that this calculation does not account for the projected 196,866 additional migrants who, since 2019, are likely to have initiated or will soon initiate benefit claims. Furthermore, these figures exclude benefits administered by HMRC, such as Tax Credits and Child Benefit, meaning the actual fiscal impact is likely understated.